Truth in Media Global Watch Bulletins

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May 11, 1999

Special Truth in Media Global Watch Bulletins on NATO's War on Serbia

Issue S99-73, Day 49, Update 1

FROM PHOENIX, ARIZONA explosion.gif (16495 bytes)  Topic: BALKAN AFFAIRS

May 11, 1999; 0:30AM EDT - DAY 49, UPDATE 1


Beijing                      1. China's Leader Raises Stakes in Kosovo "Peace Initiative"

Montenegro              2. No "Peace Plans" Anymore, Please; Just a Straight

                                     Aggression. Thank you.

New York                 3. Russians and Serbs: A Story of Love and Betrayal

Phoenix                     4. A "Home-made" War Crimes Complaint Filed

Budapest                   5. All of Budapest Marched for Peace

Belgrade                   6. "Windows '99" Launched in Serb Capital


1. China's Leader Raises Stakes in Kosovo "Peace Initiative"

BEIJING, May 10 - Chinese President, Jiang Zemin, has placed a major obstacle in the path of the Kosovo "peace initiative" being pursued by Russia's NWO quislings and the world's leading industrial countries.

In his first public reaction to the NATO bombing of China's embassy in Yugoslavia last Friday, Jiang said the UN Security Council could not discuss any peace plans for Kosovo unless NATO first stopped its bombing campaign, the BBC World News reported today.

Jiang condemned the NATO action as "absolute gunboat policy." He added that, "with the bombing continuing, it is impossible for the UN Security Council to discuss any plan to solve the problem," he added.

Jiang's remarks came in a telephone conversation on Monday (May 10) with the Russian President , Boris Yeltsin, who was sending his Balkans negotiator Viktor Chernomyrdin to Beijing for urgent talks.


TiM Ed.: As usual, what the establishment western media report is only a part of the story. And here's the part you may not have heard about....

Following his missions to Washington and Bonn, where Chernomyrdin earned the epithet of the Serb Backstabber-in-Chief (see Special TiM GW Bulletins S99-69. Day 45, Update 1, Item 1, May 7), this friend of Al Gore's, and traitor of Russia's own interests in Chechnya, was supposed to travel to Belgrade to try to sell the Yugoslav president, Slobodan Milosevic, on the bill of goods supposedly agreed to buy the Gee-Eight countries.

Well, guess what... Right after the ceremonious (re)declaration of NATO unity in Germany, Chernomyrdin instead flew straight to Moscow. For consultations on some urgent matters to do with his back-stabbing of Serbia. Such as that Germany and Italy apparently weren't going along (see "Ain't Gonna Do There," S99-66, Day 43, Update 1, Item 1, May 5).

And now, Yeltsin is apparently sending his Backstabber-in-Chief to China, in the hopes that Chernomyrdin can placate Beijing the way he was hoping to do it to the Serbs in Belgrade.


2. No "Peace Plans" Anymore, Please; Just a Straight Aggression. Thank you.

MONTENEGRO, May 10 - Meanwhile, ordinary citizens of Yugoslavia are getting tired of duplicitous "peace" proposals which only mean further propagations of war. Here's a tongue-in-cheek letter which TiM received today from a reader in Montenegro, one of two constituent states of Yugoslavia:

"There is one accord that I believe is acceptable for Serbia to sign: Surrender. No 'peace plans any more, please! Just surrender agreements. For, then we would all know the truth: The NATO troops are the invaders and conquerors who attacked our state and devastated it, not the not 'peacekeepers.'

And since we were weak to resist; and since we had no allies, and since so many many potential allies actually betrayed us...

This can be the only way I can explain to my children why there are some foreign soldiers traipsing around our country as if it belongs to them.

The only other option is to fight against NATO until they quit. Which may last a very long time. So be it. Just no 'peace plans' any more, please! Make it a straight aggression. Thank you.

Keep up the good work, and God be with us."


3. Russians and Serbs: A Story of Love and Betrayal

NEW YORK, May 10 -The western establishment media keep propagating stories about the alleged "traditional friendship" between the "fellow-Orthodox-Christian" countries - Russia and Serbia. Not only are such claims ludicrous in light of Boris Yeltsin's betrayal of the Bosnian Serbs during that country's civil war (see Special TiM GW Bulletin S99-69, Day 45, Update 1, Item 1, May 7). But they are even more preposterous when considered in a wider historical context.

Which is why TiM brings you an expert foreign policy paper on the Russo-Serbian relations during the last two centuries. Since the person who wrote this essay is an American working within the NWO establishment, she has opted to have it published under the pseudonym - Tatiana Popova. Voila...

"NATO’s bombing of Yugoslavia has once again raised the complex question of Russia’s "loyalty" to the Serbs. Both nations share an Eastern Orthodox religion, similar Slavic languages, and cultural ties. However, relations between Russia and Serbia have historically been tested as Russia has struggled to balance its role as "great power" with that of protector of its small, Slavic neighbors.

Although the Russian PEOPLE have traditionally shown great support and empathy for the plight of the Serbs during times of war, the Russian GOVERNMENTS have consistently placed their own geopolitical interests over those of the small Balkan nation.

If the average Russian was asked today what he thought of the Serbs, he would likely reply that they are Russia’s "little brothers," fellow Orthodox Christians who have traditionally been allied culturally and politically with Russia. But Prof. David MacKenzie eloquently sums it up in his book, "Serbia and Russia" (East European Monographs, Boulder. New York: Columbia University Press, 1996):

'Historically, Russia has generally placed its own interest as a great power ahead of Serbian ones. Nonetheless, the Serbs for almost three centuries have regarded Russia as their older brother and protector. It has been an unequal and sporadic partnership between a great power spanning one-sixth of the earth’s surface and a small country caught in the Balkan maelstrom.'

Today we see scenes from Russia of angry protests against the NATO bombings, as young Russians volunteer to go to Yugoslavia to aid the Serbs. These scenes are reminiscent of the 19th century, when on more than one occasion the Russian people had sent aid and soldiers volunteered to assist the Serbs in their struggle to maintain independence in the face of encroaching empires. Yet public support for the Serbs among Russians today is not necessarily enough to ensure Russian political and military support, as Russian-Serbian relations in the 19th century illustrate.

During the period between the First Serbian Insurrection in 1804 and the Congress of Berlin in 1878, Serbia placed her fate on more than one occasion in the hands of Russia, which often led to disappointment and feelings of betrayal – as Russia repeatedly placed its own interests vis-a-vis the great powers of Europe ahead of those of Serbia.

In 1804, Serbs in Belgrade, led by Karadjordje, rose up against their Ottoman overlords, who had ruled the Serb lands for over four centuries. Initially, Russian Tsar Alexander I adopted a policy of non-intervention. However, as the Serbs gained strength, it became difficult for Russia to remain neutral.

Russia was caught between public support for the Serbs, and the government’s desire to maintain good relations with the Ottoman Empire. Russia began slowly to provide military advice and financial aid to the Serbs, in part as a response to Russian public opinion in support of the Serbian cause, while trying to conceal the extent of Russia’s aid to the Serbs from the Turks.

Russia was eventually drawn directly into the fight, as it feared growing French intervention in the Balkans. The Russo-Turk war broke out in 1806, but it was only after this formal Turk declaration of war that Russia formally aligned militarily with the Serbs. During this same year, the Serbs had the opportunity to sign a peace treaty with the Turks, but rejected it under Russian advice that a continued war would lead to a Russian guarantee of Serbian independence.

During the next several years, Russian involvement in the Turkish conflict vacillated between direct support for the Serbs and withdrawal from the fighting, as it served Russia’s interests with regard to the balance of power in Europe. In 1807 Russia signed a truce with the Turks, leaving the Serbs feeling betrayed.

Karadjordje, skeptical of Russia’s role, hesitated to grant Russia a greater presence in Serbia if Russia could not be trusted to support the Serbs in their time of need. Nevertheless, when war resumed between Russia and the Turks in 1809, the Russians and Serbs again joined forces against the Turks until the summer of 1812.

Although many joint military victories were achieved during this period, a growing portion of the Serbian leadership questioned Russia’s commitment to the Serbs. As they predicted, Russia soon felt compelled to pull out of the war, due to growing French aggression in Europe.

Later that year, Russia formally ended the war with Turkey, essentially returning the Serb lands, under self-rule, to the Ottoman Empire. In the eyes of the Serbs, a truly independent Serbia could not exist without a Russian protectorate status, which was not granted. In 1813, the Turks invaded Serbia, and Ottoman rule was reestablished.

This period in Serbian history is illustrative of the Serbs’ feelings of betrayal by Russia as the Russian government choose to place its interests as a European power ahead of its desire to be a protector and ally of Orthodox Slavs.

The Serbs made repeated appeals to Russia during this period, stressing the religious, linguistic, and cultural ties the two peoples shared. Nevertheless, the political aims of the Russian government took precedence over any cultural affinity or sympathies that existed among the Russian people toward the Serbs’ flight for independence. The words of V. Chichagov, the commandeer of the Danube Russian Army in 1812, which aided the Serbs during this period, illustrate Russia’s predicament (see "Seventy Years of Panslavisam in Russia: Karazin to Danilevsky, 1800-1876, Washington, DC; Georgetown University Press):

"I have had great difficulty in calming the poor Serbians, they are truly one of the best nations I know; they are ready to die for their independence…nevertheless I think I have managed to convince them of the need to dissimulate with the Turks for the moment, that we shall return as soon as possible…that everything depends on the salvation of Russia…I have secretly wheedled them with arms and munitions. I still hope to preserve their confidence in us."

The 19th century is known for the Slavophile, and later the Panslavic movements, which brought Russian intellectuals in closer contact with the Serbs and other Slavs. During the next decades, these intellectual movements grew within Russia, stressing the importance of Slavic unity, particularly among Orthodox peoples.

Many of the intellectuals lobbied the Russian government in support of closer ties between Russia and Serbia.

Slavic Benevolent Societies were formed in Moscow and other large cities, to promote cultural and educational exchanges between Russia and other Slavic peoples. These groups acted independently out of their own good will, and did not receive Russian government aid or political pressure to continue their activities.

As many of the Panslavic intellectuals discussed Russia’s "duties toward her brothers by blood and faith," historian M.P. Pogodin was careful to remind his colleagues that many of the Slavs had been embittered by Russia’s prior "indifference" to their fate.

The Panslavic movement grew stronger following Russia’s defeat in the Crimean War in 1856, as a militarily weakened Russia sought to redefine herself and her role in Europe. In 1860, a group of Russian Panslavists signed an "Epistle from Moscow to the Serbs," in which they advised the Serbs to re-orient themselves toward Russia. In 1867 a Serb delegation was welcomed at the Moscow Slav Congress, where Panslavists F. I. Tyutchev announced,

'Welcome, you are at home. In Russia every Slav is at home, more often than in his own country where he is often ruled by a foreigner. But we have never ceased to be one nation, sons of one mother. But as you will never desert Russia, Russia will never desert you.'

Such declarations of Russian loyalty were tested during the "Eastern Crisis" of the 1875-1878. The crisis began in 1875, as Serbian peasants in the Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Hercegovina revolted against their Moslem landlords. What began as a small uprising grew into a conflict that inflamed the Balkans, and once again drew the great powers of Europe into the region. The events of these three years brought Russian official policy into conflict with Russian public opinion, as the Russian government tried to balance its interest in maintaining its relations with the European powers with domestic public support for the Serbian cause.

Despite Russia’s warnings that it would not support Serbia in the event of a war with Turkey, war broke out between Serbia and Turkey in 1876. During this period, Panslavic groups throughout Russia gathered aid for the insurgents and organized informal military support.

At this same time, the Russian government was in negotiations with Austria, over the fate of the Balkans. Russia was able to secure Austrian neutrality in the event of a Russo-Turkish war, in exchange for granting Austria the right to occupation and annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina.

After securing a deal with Austria, Russia went to war with Turkey. Serbia and Montenegro, hoping that a Russian victory would ensure independence for Bosnia and Hercegovina, joined the Russians in their fight against the Turks. However, under the peace agreement signed at San Stefano in 1878, following a Russian victory, the end result was the creation of an independent Bulgaria.

In 1878, the European powers gathered in Berlin to decide the fate of the Balkans, noticeably without representation from any of the small Balkan nations whose futures were to be determined.

At the Congress, Austria was granted the right to occupy Bosnia and Hercegovina. The Serbs felt deeply betrayed by Russia, feeling that Russia had placed its own interests in securing an independent Bulgaria ahead of any notions of unity with the Serbia and concern for the plight of Bosnia and Hercegovina. The Serbs learned quickly that the agreement concluded in Berlin was designed to serve the interests of the great powers, including Russia, rather than those of the insurgents and small Slavic states.

During the Eastern Crisis, the Russian people were very sympathetic to the plight of the insurgents. Slavic Benevolent Committees raised donations and gathered arms and munitions to supply the Serbian army. Many Russians volunteered to fight with the Serbs, out of genuine feelings of solidarity. Yet as during the Fist Serbian Insurrection, Russia put its own geopolitical interests ahead of any notions of Panslavic unity.

In summary, it is undeniable that the Russian public sympathized with and went to great lengths to support the Serbs, for unselfish reasons. But, the Russian government betrayed this cause. Following the war, one Serbian poet, Jovan Jovanovic-Zmaj, reflected on Serbia’s disappointment in the policies of the Russian government:

And it was finished in an unjust manner

And signed with a golden feather

And celebrated with a lordly feast

And the Serbian disaster was proclaimed as peace…

And he who was close to you

Shouts now since he predicted

That you do not care for the brother or sun

That you will not bring salvation…

Tatiana Popova, New York


4. A "Home-made" War Crimes Complaint Filed

PHOENIX, May 10 - So you think you're powerless? So you think there is nothing your can do to reverse the hijacking of the U.S. government by the New World Order thugs?

Wrong! Here's, for example, a step which this writer, your TiM editor, took today. He charged PERSONALLY the 68 NATO leaders with war crimes in a filing with the UN War Crimes Tribunal at the Hague, Netherlands.

You can do the same thing. You have the same right to charge the NATO leaders with crimes against humanity as TiM has just done. Feel free to modify our complaint to suit your own purposes. And then let the UN War Crimes Tribunal know how you feel about the crimes which the people who had created the Tribunal are committing:



May 10, 1999

TO: Madame Louise Arbour

E-mail: <>


P.O. Box 13888

Churchillplain 1

2501 EW The Hague


FAX: +31-70-416-5356

TEL: +31-70-416-5000

Madam Prosecutor,

I hereby charge with war crimes, including mass murder of innocent civilians and property destruction in Yugoslavia, all political leaders of the NATO countries and the senior military commanders of the NATO alliance individually and corporately, under Section 18(1) of the Statute which governs the work of your Office (ICTY).

I hereby ask you, under the terms of that Statute, both to prosecute and to legally restrain them from further committing such murderous acts by issuing an immediate injunction, prior to judgement being rendered on this complaint.

A partial list of individuals charged with committing the heinous war crimes against humanity is enclosed below.

Since I have family in Yugoslavia who are suffering under NATO's bombardment and whose lives are in danger because of it, and since I have spent myself a period of time there under NATO's bombs, I have a legal standing in filing this complaint. Nevertheless, feel free to join this complaint with that filed by Professor Michael Mandel, Professor W. Neil Brooks, Professor Judith A. Fudge, Professor H. J. Glasbeek, Professor Reuben A. Hasson and Sil Salvaterra, Barrister and Solicitor, - all of Osgoode Hall Law School, York University, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M3J 1P3 - and other individuals named in their complaint.

I would appreciate receiving your acknowledgement and response. Thank you.


Bob Djurdjevic, Founder

Truth in Media

Phoenix, Arizona, USA


A partial list of NATO leaders charged with war crimes:

William J. Clinton, Al Gore, Samuel Berger, Madeleine Albright, William S. Cohen, George Tenet, Tony Blair, Robin Cook, George Robertson, Javier Solana, Jamie Shea, Wesley K. Clark, Harold W. German, Konrad Freytag. D.J.G. Wilby, Fabrizio Maltinti, Giuseppe Marani, Daniel P. Leaf, Jean Chrétien, Lloyd Axworthy, Arthur Eggleton, Jean-Luc Dehaene, E. Derycke, J.-P. Poncelet, Vaclav Havel, J. Kavan, V. Vetchy, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, N.H. Petersen, H. Haekkerup, Jacques Chirac, Lionel Jospin, H. Védrine, Alain Richard, Gerhard Schröder, J. Fischer, R. Scharping, Kostas Simitis, G. Papandreou, A. Tsohatzopoulos, Viktor Orban, J. Martonyi, J. Szabo, David Oddsson, H. Asgrimsson, G. Palsson, Massimo D'Alema, L. Dini, C. Scognamiglio, Jean-Claude Juncker, J. Poos, Alex Bodry, Willem Kok, J. van Aartsen, F.H.G. de Grave, Kjell Magne Bondevik, K. Vollebæk, D.J. Fjærvoll, Jerzy Buzek, B. Geremek, J. Onyszkiewicz, Antonio Manuel de Oliveira Guterres, J.J. Matos da Gama, V. Simão, Jose Maria Aznar, A. Matutes, E. Serra Rexach, Bulent Ecevit, I. Cem and H. S. Turk.


5. All of Budapest Marched for Peace

BUDAPEST, May 9 - One of the three newest NATO countries, Hungary, has just turned NATO's war on its ear. Here's a report which TiM has just received from a correspondent in Budapest.

"We have just returned from the Peace March with my family (wife and two children). I think the whole of Budapest was in the streets to ask for an immediate stoppage of the war.

We started from the Place of Heroes, just next to the Yugoslav Embassy, we passed by the US Embassy. and the march ended on Kossuth Square, in front of the Hungarian Parliament.

No offensive signs were allowed. There were a few signs, like "Yankee go home," but these were immediately removed by the organizers.


TiM Ed.: The "thought police" of the NWO/NATO?


The majority of signs were 'Stop Milo, stop NATO,' and 'Peace for the Balkans.' There were participants from Greece, England and France (at least these were the languages I heard). The Greeks even brought their national flag. I am too tired now to write you more about it, but I can tell you it was the largest rally in decades in Budapest.

The next march will be on May 15, it will start from Szeged at noon, and it will be called 'Peace, bread, water and salt march from Hungary into Yugoslavia.' The march will cross into Yugoslavia. All the best is wishing you from Budapest."



6. Windows '99 Launched in Serb Capital

BELGRADE, May 10 - The Windows '99 has been first launched in Belgrade, Serbia. This, despite the six weeks of NATO bombings, and the outrage expressed by the Microsoft's top officials about the Serbs' alleged infractions of Microsofts intellectual rights.

"They are all taping their windows with illegal 'X' (jack) signs," the Microsoft chairman railed.

True.  Serb citizens are having to tape their windows to prevent them from shattering when NATO comes calling with another of its "humanitarian missions." As a Belgrade TiM reader put it, writing tongue-in-cheek, Windows '99 was, therefore, first launched in Belgrade.

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Also, check out... Truth in Media Statement on Kosovo Crisis, "Wither Dayton, Sprout New War?", "On the Brink of Madness", "Tragic Deja Vu's," "Seven U.S. Senators Suggest Ouster of Milosevic", "Biting the Hand That Feeds You", "A Balkan Affairs Potpourri", "Put the U.N. Justice on Trial", "International Justice 'Progresses' from Kidnapping to Murder", "Milosevic: 'A Riddle Wrapped in a Mystery'...", "Kosovo Lie Allowed to Stand", "New World Order's Inquisition in Bosnia", "Kosovo Heating Up""Decani Monastery Under Siege?", "Murder on Wall Street""Kosovo: 'Bosnia II', Serbia's Aztlan""What If the Shoe Were on the Other Foot?", "Green Interstate - Not Worth American Lives", "An American Hero or Actor of the Year?" (A June '95 TiM story) and/or "Clinton arme secrètement les musulmans bosniaques"

Or Djurdjevic's WASHINGTON TIMES columns: "Chinese Dragon Wagging Macedonian Tail,"  "An Ugly Double Standard in Kosovo Conflict?", "NATO's Bullyboys", "Kosovo: Why Are We Involved?", and "Ginning Up Another Crisis"

Or Djurdjevic's NEW DAWN magazine columns: "Washington's Crisis Factory,"  and "A New Iron Curtain Over Europe"